Decentralization

The continuing conflict in the far south of Chile is but the latest example of the costs of excessive centralizations of the Chilean state. In this La Segunda column, I argue that the issues themselves are secondary to the primary problem, which is the lack of effective representation of different groups in the Chilean system. This goes for everyone from students, marginalized groups and the poor, and the many people who live outside of Santiago, and especially in the extreme north and south. The solution, then, is not negotiating the price of fuel, but a broader and deeper reconsideration of our modes of representation, from the electoral system to our hyperpresidentialisms to decentralization, if not federalism.

Binomial, in the Economist

The Economist has taken the riots in Aysén and run with them, linking them, rightly, with the deeper problem of representation. However, to say that the RN-DC agreement was a about changing the subject is wrong. The agreement also states that the electoral system must be changed. The proposal of a semi-parliamentary system is there, but nobody takes it seriously. What everyone takes seriously is the electoral system, and, increasingly, what kind of presidential system we wish to have. Piñera's response was inadequate, but there is lots going on behind the scenes.

Or at least there was, until everyone took off for the beach

Patagoing, Patagoing, Patagone.

While I was out of town it seems something of a revolt has broken out in Chile's deep south.  It is funny that the Chilean MSM for some time didn't pay much attention -- which is precisely the point. Patagonians are demanding that people here in Santiago (and by people I mean the government, so I may be using the term loosely) pay attention to them. As this excellent BBC en Español piece reports, everything costs double in Aysén than in Santiago. And Santiago is expensive enough.

Worse still, Aysén is not connected by land to the rest of the country, leading its residents to feel much more kinship with their Argentine neighbours. In fact, if you speak to residents from Patagonia, you often find a slight Argentine accent.

Many people have noted that the Patagonian movement is not about politics, it is about identity. This may be so, but that's still political. Identity, left to seethe in anger and resentment, becomes political, and then becomes a great big headache. If you don't believe me, just ask the Quebecois, the Palestinians, or anyone in the Balkans.

They already have their own flag.

Chile: A little further from God, and a little closer to Miami

Primaries for us, and for US

I think I have posted before about how similar I believe are the processes going on within the Alianza in Chile and the Republican Party in the US. They both seem to be fighting a kind of civil war between those who wish to win the next election, and those who are just as happy that they remain testimonial parties, true to their ideology. The Republican primaries this year have been all about that fight. But that's the good thing about primaries. They allow the parties to fight these things out, settle on a leader, and hopefully move on. Otherwise, one gets a situation such as the one the Chilean government has been going through, with open bickering amongst different factions.

Here is a column I wrote last week for La Segunda on the subject. Since it was published, Rick Santorum's success has only proven how unwilling many Republicans are to accept the candidate who clearly has the best chance of winning. Obama must be smiling.

Southern Tiger

Former President Ricardo Lagos has a new book out in the US. It's a kind of memoir. I think.

Here's my review in Americas Quarterly.

Bad press

Maybe it's the island mentality, or maybe it's the over-reliance on technocracy, but Chileans love, love, love rankings. Quite often, Chile ranks far above its Latin American neighbours on almost any measure. So it comes as a shock when Chile does badly, especially when the country drops precipitously. For this reason, the publication of Reporters Without Borders' World Press Freedom Index has dealt a blow. The country drops to position number 80, and is now surpassed by places like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Mali, and (ouch!) Argentina.

The cause? It's in the report:

"In Chile, where student protesters questioned the over-concentration of media ownership, violence against journalists included beatings, cyber-attacks and attacks on editorial staffs. Many of these assaults, often accompanied by heavy-handed arrests and destruction of equipment, were carried out by abusive armed police who were rarely called to account"

This confirms a phenomenon that I have been wondering about for a while. How is it that a government made up of people who have travelled, obtained postgraduate degrees at Harvard, speak many languages, and come from a private sector that claims to be open to the world, continue to think that the world is not aware of what is happening here? How is it that they continue to implement policies -- from education to security to aboriginal rights - that cause international criticism, whilst pretending that it has a model to sell to the rest of the world?

Increasingly, the world isn't buying.
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